Protesters march toward the presidential office in central Seoul during a candlelight vigil calling for President Yoon Suk Yeol's impeachment, Dec. 5, 2024. AP-Yonhap

As South Korea ushers in 2025, its democracy stands at a critical moment.

The nation is still reeling from the political turmoil triggered by President Yoon Suk Yeol's sudden declaration of martial law on Dec. 3, 2024, a decision that challenged the country's hard-won democracy and led to his impeachment by the National Assembly.

If the Constitutional Court upholds his removal, Yoon will become the second South Korean president in less than a decade to be ousted, following former President Park Geun-hye's impeachment in 2017.

The ongoing impeachment crisis underscores the resilience of the country's democratic system, many analysts say. However, it also raises a critical question: Is South Korea's democracy on the right path?

Hahm Sung-deuk, dean of political science and law at Kyonggi University's Graduate School of Political Studies, viewed that Yoon's impeachment, for one thing, has demonstrated that authoritarian leadership is no longer acceptable to South Koreans.

"The move to impeach Yoon, supported by a majority of the public, is a clear sign that authoritarian presidential leadership no longer works in South Korea. What's particularly meaningful is that this process was driven by civil society rather than politicians," Hahm told The Korea Times.

"As we saw with Park's impeachment and now with Yoon's, a leader who loses public trust can no longer count on finishing his five-year term."

The political scientist noted that the Asian nation is progressing toward democratic consolidation, a stage where democracy becomes stable and resistant to backsliding into authoritarianism.

President Yoon Suk Yeol bows before giving a public address from his residence in Seoul after the National Assembly passed a motion to impeach him, Dec. 14, 2024. Courtesy of presidential office

Regardless of the Constitutional Court's outcome, Yoon's political career is likely to be cut short.

"Even if he survives impeachment and returns to his job, the president will not be able to effectively govern the nation. The best course of action from him would be to take responsibility for his actions and step down. That's how a developed democracy should work," Hahm said.

From a broader perspective, the impeachment crisis — the second time in less than a decade that a South Korean leader has faced such proceedings — has laid bare vulnerabilities in the nation's political system, particularly the excessive concentration of presidential power, often referred to as an "imperial presidency."

South Korea's current presidential system grants considerable power to the president, who is elected for a single, five-year term and serves as both head of state and government. The president has the authority to appoint key officials without parliamentary approval, veto bills passed by parliament, command the military, and exert significant influence in foreign policy.

While the strong executive branch enables decisive governance, critics argue that the president's single-term limit often undermines long-term policy visions, with each successor rarely respecting the legacy of the predecessor.

Moreover, the lack of effective checks from the legislative body often allows the president to wield excessive power over state affairs — a dynamic that ultimately led to Yoon's self-destructive decision to impose martial law.

Lawmakers attend a plenary session at the National Assembly in Seoul, Dec. 14, 2024, to vote on a motion to impeach President Yoon Suk Yeol. Korea Times photo by Choi Won-suk

Calls for constitutional reform to address these issues have intensified in the wake of Yoon's impeachment turmoil, with some proposing a shift to a four-year presidential tenure and eligibility for a second term.

Im Ji-bong, a law professor at Sogang University, acknowledged the need to reform the presidential system.

"While the current presidential system is a much-improved version compared to the military dictatorship era, it still grants excessive power to the president and leaves it largely unchecked," Im said.

"However, now is not the time to make the change," the professor stressed. "Discussions on constitutional amendments should take place only after the current impeachment crisis subsides. Calls for an amendment, currently raised mainly by conservatives, are more of a political maneuver to extend Yoon's term."

But changing the system may not be the ultimate solution.

"It's more about an imperial president than an imperial presidency. The problem arises when an authoritarian and incompetent individual takes the helm and the bureaucratic system fails to provide the necessary checks, with no one in the government willing to say 'no' to the leader," Hahm said.

This combination of photos show a rally calling for President Yoon Suk Yeol's impeachment at the National Assembly in Seoul, Dec. 14, left, and a gathering of Yoon's supporters at Gwanghwamun in Seoul on the same day. Yonhap

Deepening polarization

Another challenge facing the country's democracy is a deepening political divide.

Although South Korea's Assembly technically operates under a multi-party system, it is often dominated by two major parties: the conservative and the liberal. These rival factions clash for power, turning the Assembly into a battleground of political mudslinging rather than a space for effective legislation.

"Polarization is inevitable in the current bipartisan landscape. We need to reform the electoral system for other minor parties to thrive," Im said. "But the problem is that lawmakers, who hold the key to make these changes, are unwilling to move."

Hahm said that while polarization in the political arena can be a natural phenomenon driven by ideological differences, the growing trend of "affective polarization"— where individuals demonize others simply for holding opposing views — poses an increasing threat to the nation's democracy.

"Yoon's staunch supporters often demonize supporters of Lee Jae-myung (the leader of the main opposition Democratic Party of Korea), and vice versa. This kind of animosity, rooted in fandom politics rather than policy debates, has become a vicious cycle that is difficult to break," he said.

U.S. President-elect Donald Trump speaks at AmericaFest in Phoenix, Dec. 22, 2024. AP-Yonhap

Trump's return

Meanwhile, the political turmoil in South Korea carries significant implications across the Asia-Pacific and to the United States, which may now be reassessing the decades-old South Korea-U.S. alliance, according to watchers in the U.S.

"If Yoon can throw South Korea into political disarray on a disingenuous pretense as he did in December, who's to say any future South Korean president won't do so as well? Washington will now second-guess Seoul's reliability and readiness," said Sean King, senior vice president at Park Strategies, a New York-based consulting firm.

"South Korea is effectively without a functioning government just as U.S. President-elect Donald Trump is toying with the idea of directly reengaging North Korean dictator Kim Jong-un without even consulting Seoul," King added.

While some still hold out hope that Trump might reach out to Seoul before engaging with Pyongyang, King viewed this a slim chance, as American policymakers are questioning, "Who — or what — even is (the role of) Seoul right now?"

"Yoon could not have picked a worse time for his scandalous martial law misdeeds," he added.

U.S. President-elect Donald Trump, left, and Tesla and SpaceX CEO Elon Musk watch a fight during UFC 309 at Madison Square Garden in New York, Nov. 24, 2024. AFP-Yonhap

Yet the U.S. may have its own concerns when it comes to upholding democratic values, with Trump set to take the White House again later this month.

His return to the presidency raises concerns about the U.S.'s role as a leading democracy, which had been a central focus of the Joe Biden administration's policies. When the martial law fiasco unfolded in Seoul, analysts in the U.S. compared it to Trump's Capitol riot attempt in 2021.

During his first term, Trump often bypassed traditional diplomatic and political norms with his unorthodox style of governance, and his divisive rhetoric exacerbated polarization in American politics. Also, he favored an administration shaped by close associates and family members.

In his latest presidential campaign, Trump continued his inflammatory rhetoric, labeling his political opponents as "Marxists" and "communists." His recent appointments to key positions, dominated by close allies and loyalists such as Tesla CEO Elon Musk, underscore concerns that a second Trump administration could undermine democratic norms.